Another rejected op-ed. I sent it last week—before Israel cut power.

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In the tragically habitual nature of relations between Israel and the Gaza Strip, tensions have heightened once more, overshadowing U.S. plans for the Annapolis peace summit slated for next month. Several weeks ago, Israel labeled Gaza an “enemy entity”, causing businesses to cease operations in Gaza and (some believe) preparing the political climate for an all-out invasion of the Strip.

Everyone in Gaza is jittery, convinced that Israel is planning something bigger than the air strikes and shallow incursions, which already occur here on a daily basis. Restaurants have been closing early, teenagers stay at home instead of meeting friends—even the usually chaotic jumble of activity on Gaza’s Omar al-Mukhtar St. has calmed, the incessant honks of car horns diminished to a fraction of their former intensity. Indeed, severe retaliation for the fire of rockets by Palestinian militant groups seems imminent; the only question is what kind of retaliation does Israel have in store for the 1.4 million residents here?

For the past couple of months, Israeli politicians have been mulling over the best methods of dealing with Hamas and the incessant barrage of amateur rocket fire targeting Israeli civilian areas. Israeli Vice Premier, Haim Ramon has been joined Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni in calling for Israel to sever electricity, water and fuel supplies to the Strip as a “price-tag” for the launching of rockets. Rhetoric aside, it would be prudent for them to tread carefully here, considering the consequences of what essentially constitutes collective punishment against Gaza’s population and a war crime under international law.

Before anything, we should be under no illusions that Israel “de-occupied” with the implementation of the 2005 unilateral disengagement plan. The retention of absolute Israeli control over Gaza’s borders, airspace and coastline coupled with the ability to launch daily military incursions can hardly be considered benign external influence. But cutting essential supplies to Gaza is a step further. Even Israel cannot avoid international indictment for precipitating a widespread crisis in Gaza’s civilian neighborhoods.

Roughly 80% of the people in Gaza live in the dire poverty of Gaza’s densely packed refugee camps, where they and their families have largely remained since the events of 1948. Should Israel decide to cut Gaza’s access to water and resources, a humanitarian crisis would surely follow. And if Israel’s aim is to weaken Hamas, cutting power would be an odd way of going about it. Hamas is more than amply supplied and would scarcely be affected by such cuts. Yet, even as Hamas retained access to supplies from elsewhere, those struggling in Gaza’s camps without such connections would be vulnerable.

The essential logic behind collective punishment in this case holds that because Palestinians elected Hamas, they are party to Hamas’ actions and can be justifiably punished. As we know, the idea that it is somehow permissible to punish civilians for crimes committed by their leaders is not an uncommonly held dogma in this conflict; a similar belief is observable in the actions of Palestinian suicide bombers—a belief that merits the same unconditional condemnation. Yet why is there such a palpable silence in response to these shameful threats?

We have already witnessed the consequences of leaving Gaza without electricity. This summer, the European Union cut fuel payments to Gaza’s main power station, fearing that revenues were ending up in Hamas’ pockets. Thousands of Gazans were left to suffer without power over a four-day period before Brussels resumed funding. Israel’s plan would go further and last longer, cutting not only electricity, but perhaps also fuel and water.

As the people here see it, Hamas is setting up policies and institutions aimed at preserving its power for the next ten years at least. Israeli threats in this case are not likely to accomplish anything, should they be enacted. Rockets will continue to fall on Sderot as Hamas easily outlives the cuts, while Israel will incur responsibility for prosecuting a war crime against Gaza’s civilian population.

It is folly to assume that Hamas does not have the capacity to survive these cuts. But it is certain the people living in Jabalia, Khan Younis, Maghazi, Bureij, Nuseirat, Rafah, Deir al-Balah and the Beach refugee camps do not. So is this retaliation or collective punishment?

* Kris Petersen is a graduate student conducting research in the Gaza Strip. He runs a news/commentary blog at harmonicminor.com

Tags: Hamas, Power Cuts, Israel, Palestine, Conflict, Qassam, Rockets, Militants, Islamic Jihad, Terrorism, Incursions, Military, Attacks, Middle-East, Kris Petersen